EvanL
04-27-2004, 02:04 PM
Turkish Cypriots emerge as the good guys in the failed attempt to reunite the island
HARRY STERLING
Freelance
April 27, 2004
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That Cypriot voters rejected a new plan to reunite their troubled island on Saturday wasn't much of a surprise.
What was surprising though, was how the island's two communities - Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot - switched roles in the campaign leading up to Saturday's referendums. It was almost like watching a western in which the scriptwriter, for perverse reasons of his own, had the hero and the villain trade hats in the middle of the plot.
In the eyes of much of the world, Turkish Cypriots and their allies in Ankara have been wearing the black hats since 1974, when Turkish troops landed on the island to foil an attempt by Greek Cypriots to have Cyprus annexed to Greece. Turkey's intervention resulted in the two communities being separated for the past 30 years.
This time, however, in a complete reversal of past roles, Turks and Turkish Cypriots strongly supported the United Nations-proposed plan that would have reunited the island before it joins the European Union on May 1.
And it was Greek Cypriots, traditionally seen as the aggrieved party in the longstanding Cyprus dispute, who said no.
The contrast couldn't have been starker. Whereas three out of four Greek Cypriots voted against the UN settlement terms, two out of three Turkish Cypriots voted yes.
Not surprisingly, the Greek Cypriot rejection of the UN plan has been roundly criticized.
At the very epicentre of this unexpected reversal of roles is the conservative Greek Cypriot president, Tassos Papadopoulos, elected 14 just months ago.
The settlement, painstakingly negotiated by representatives of both communities, had the support of the UN, the European Union, the United States and others. Nevertheless, Papadopoulos rejected the final terms and urged Greek Cypriots to vote no in Saturday's referendum.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey was praised for his constructive role in supporting the UN proposals, especially for persuading Turkey's all-powerful generals to accept the terms. That he accomplished this despite rejection of the plan by the north's longstanding leader, Rauf Denktash, might improve Turkey's own prospects for eventually joining the EU.
The north's new prime minister, Mehmet Ali Talat, also backed the plan, as did former Greek Cypriot president Glafcos Clerides and at least some members of the Greek Cypriot cabinet. The communications minister, for example, resigned over President Papadopoulos's action.
But the president insisted the settlement favoured the Turkish Cypriots, restricted the right of return of Greek Cypriots to the north and allowed Turkish troops to stay on after reunification until 2018 in a concession to Turkey.
He downplayed the comprehensive security role to be played by the UN, which would deploy 2,500 highly mobile troops, 170 military observers, 380 civilian police and numerous administrative and legal experts to monitor and supervise the implementation of the settlement throughout Cyprus.
The European Union commissioner for enlargement, Gunter Verheugen, accused Papadopoulos of tricking the EU by pretending to support the unification plan, while in reality campaigning to defeat it.
Many Turkish Cypriots supported reunification as a means to achieve economic progress, and to get access to $418 million U.S. in EU development assistance.
But a significant number of Greek Cypriots are simply not prepared to accept Turkish Cypriots - about a quarter of the island's 800,000 people - as political or cultural equals, regarding them as an unwelcome and alien community in their midst.
Their ultimate objective remains a Hellenic Cyprus, not a reunified Cyprus of two equal peoples. Others feared a bi-zonal Cypriot state could endanger their livelihoods. One Greek Cypriot newspaper accused the "no'' side of deliberately using scare tactics by warning civil servants they'd lose their jobs under the Swiss-style federation.
To his credit, Greece's new prime minister, Costas Karamanlis, tacitly supported the UN terms, saying they seemed to have more pros than cons, though emphasizing only the Cypriot people could make the final decision.
While Papadopoulos claims he still favours eventual reunification, his rejection of the UN plan could backfire.
Not only has he angered the UN and the European Union, he also might have contributed to a reassessment by the international community of the de-facto government in northern Cyprus.
EU Commissioner Verheugen announced he will immediately look at ways to ease the economic and other embargoes placed on northern Cyprus after 1974.
It's even conceivable individual countries might consider giving northern Cyprus some type of recognition, even if it falls short of the formal diplomatic status that so far only the Greek Cypriot administration enjoys.
For Papadopoulos, Saturday's vote could well be a Pyrrhic victory, with the Turkish Cypriots emerging as the real beneficiaries.
Harry Sterling, a former diplomat, is an Ottawa-based commentator.
© The Gazette (Montreal) 2004
HARRY STERLING
Freelance
April 27, 2004
ADVERTISEMENT
That Cypriot voters rejected a new plan to reunite their troubled island on Saturday wasn't much of a surprise.
What was surprising though, was how the island's two communities - Greek Cypriot and Turkish Cypriot - switched roles in the campaign leading up to Saturday's referendums. It was almost like watching a western in which the scriptwriter, for perverse reasons of his own, had the hero and the villain trade hats in the middle of the plot.
In the eyes of much of the world, Turkish Cypriots and their allies in Ankara have been wearing the black hats since 1974, when Turkish troops landed on the island to foil an attempt by Greek Cypriots to have Cyprus annexed to Greece. Turkey's intervention resulted in the two communities being separated for the past 30 years.
This time, however, in a complete reversal of past roles, Turks and Turkish Cypriots strongly supported the United Nations-proposed plan that would have reunited the island before it joins the European Union on May 1.
And it was Greek Cypriots, traditionally seen as the aggrieved party in the longstanding Cyprus dispute, who said no.
The contrast couldn't have been starker. Whereas three out of four Greek Cypriots voted against the UN settlement terms, two out of three Turkish Cypriots voted yes.
Not surprisingly, the Greek Cypriot rejection of the UN plan has been roundly criticized.
At the very epicentre of this unexpected reversal of roles is the conservative Greek Cypriot president, Tassos Papadopoulos, elected 14 just months ago.
The settlement, painstakingly negotiated by representatives of both communities, had the support of the UN, the European Union, the United States and others. Nevertheless, Papadopoulos rejected the final terms and urged Greek Cypriots to vote no in Saturday's referendum.
Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan of Turkey was praised for his constructive role in supporting the UN proposals, especially for persuading Turkey's all-powerful generals to accept the terms. That he accomplished this despite rejection of the plan by the north's longstanding leader, Rauf Denktash, might improve Turkey's own prospects for eventually joining the EU.
The north's new prime minister, Mehmet Ali Talat, also backed the plan, as did former Greek Cypriot president Glafcos Clerides and at least some members of the Greek Cypriot cabinet. The communications minister, for example, resigned over President Papadopoulos's action.
But the president insisted the settlement favoured the Turkish Cypriots, restricted the right of return of Greek Cypriots to the north and allowed Turkish troops to stay on after reunification until 2018 in a concession to Turkey.
He downplayed the comprehensive security role to be played by the UN, which would deploy 2,500 highly mobile troops, 170 military observers, 380 civilian police and numerous administrative and legal experts to monitor and supervise the implementation of the settlement throughout Cyprus.
The European Union commissioner for enlargement, Gunter Verheugen, accused Papadopoulos of tricking the EU by pretending to support the unification plan, while in reality campaigning to defeat it.
Many Turkish Cypriots supported reunification as a means to achieve economic progress, and to get access to $418 million U.S. in EU development assistance.
But a significant number of Greek Cypriots are simply not prepared to accept Turkish Cypriots - about a quarter of the island's 800,000 people - as political or cultural equals, regarding them as an unwelcome and alien community in their midst.
Their ultimate objective remains a Hellenic Cyprus, not a reunified Cyprus of two equal peoples. Others feared a bi-zonal Cypriot state could endanger their livelihoods. One Greek Cypriot newspaper accused the "no'' side of deliberately using scare tactics by warning civil servants they'd lose their jobs under the Swiss-style federation.
To his credit, Greece's new prime minister, Costas Karamanlis, tacitly supported the UN terms, saying they seemed to have more pros than cons, though emphasizing only the Cypriot people could make the final decision.
While Papadopoulos claims he still favours eventual reunification, his rejection of the UN plan could backfire.
Not only has he angered the UN and the European Union, he also might have contributed to a reassessment by the international community of the de-facto government in northern Cyprus.
EU Commissioner Verheugen announced he will immediately look at ways to ease the economic and other embargoes placed on northern Cyprus after 1974.
It's even conceivable individual countries might consider giving northern Cyprus some type of recognition, even if it falls short of the formal diplomatic status that so far only the Greek Cypriot administration enjoys.
For Papadopoulos, Saturday's vote could well be a Pyrrhic victory, with the Turkish Cypriots emerging as the real beneficiaries.
Harry Sterling, a former diplomat, is an Ottawa-based commentator.
© The Gazette (Montreal) 2004